Ghana has held six elections since returning to multiparty democracy in 1992 with three turnovers of power including, in 2016, the first defeat of a sitting incumbent. But multiparty elections are costly affairs for aspiring and current parliamentarians as this cost of politics research illustrates.
Between 2012 and 2016 the cost of running for political office increased 59%. On average candidates needed to raise GH₵389,803 (approx. US$85,000) to secure the party primary nomination and compete in the parliamentary election in their constituency. If the cost of politics rises to unaffordable levels the danger is that politics becomes the domain of the elite and wealthy, and that the motivation and incentives of MPs move from serving the public to recovering their own investment.
A recent study investigated the various costs involved in seeking public office in Ghana. To do this over 250 aspirants, candidates and sitting MPs were surveyed about their experiences in the 2012 and 2016 elections. These findings were triangulated with key informant interviews and focus group discussions. Four key areas of election expenditure - campaigns, payment of party workers, media and advertisement and donations - were analysed in detail at both the party primary level and during parliamentary election campaigns. They paint a picture of an environment where male candidates outspend female ones; where the greatest costs incurred are by candidates standing in municipal areas; where party primaries, particularly those of Ghana’s two main political parties (the NDC and NPP) are very costly affairs; and where an ability to spend the most money is, by and large, a critical factor in successful winning a seat in elected office.
The drivers of these costs include a myriad of social and political forces ranging from party foot-soldiers and traditional leaders to community development organisations and youth associations. The nuanced picture that emerges illustrates that these various interest groups benefit at different stages of the electoral cycle. During the party primaries candidates seek to respond to the demands of community interest groups whilst during the parliamentary poll, these groups are ignored in favour of party officials, foot-soldiers and needy individuals. For those who successfully win a seat as an MP those dynamics change again. What is consistent is the expectations of citizens that elected officials, or those seeking elected office, are the ones to provide for them. This can be through cash payments, lobbying for constituency projects in parliament and by “in-kind” rewards.
And where does all this money come from? One of the striking findings of this research is that the most common source of revenue is personal income. Political parties do still provide some financial assistance to candidates but the picture that emerges is that of a funding structure much more reliant on personal relationships; one that may have implications for personal debt amongst politicians and consequentially corruption, in Ghanaian politics.
Corruption is one of the key themes explored as to what these findings might mean for politics in Ghana. When money becomes so intrinsically linked with politics, corruption becomes a norm rather than an aberration. The financial demands on MPs, whether incurred as part of the election campaign or as part of constituency services, create perverse incentives for MPs to focus on individual interests over public ones. A second theme is that individuals and groups, predominantly women and youth, increasingly feel unable to compete and therefore excluded from politics. The 2016 parliament is comprised of 85% men. Finally, it is argued that rising costs are fostering a general disillusionment with politics, not just from those on the outside looking in, but with those participating in it. When the selection of candidates becomes more about their ability to raise resources than their competence and ability to serve constituents a change in state-citizen relations is also likely to ensue.
More information
The Cost of Politics research project was carried out by Westminster Foundation for Democracy and Center for Democratic Development (CDD-Ghana) with support from UK Aid through the STAAC programme.
A full report is available upon request from STAAC-Ghana.